The fragile solidarity of the anti-Russian coalition is cracking. Warsaw is furious. The trigger: a supposedly minor historical dispute over a Ukrainian nationalist unit that fought alongside the Nazis in the Second World War. But in the febrile atmosphere of wartime, it threatens to blow a hole in the alliance.
Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki has stepped up his attacks on Kyiv, accusing President Volodymyr Zelensky of failing to address the glorification of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). The UPA, led by Stepan Bandera, is accused of massacring tens of thousands of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in 1943. For Poland, it is a raw wound. For Ukraine, the UPA remains a symbol of resistance against Soviet domination. The two memories cannot be reconciled.
Morawiecki is not alone. The Polish government has repeatedly demanded that Zelensky issue a clear condemnation and halt official ceremonies honouring UPA veterans. Zelensky has prevaricated, mindful of the nationalist vote at home. But the patience of Poland, Ukraine's staunchest ally in the EU, is running out.
The timing could not be worse. Ukrainian forces are struggling to hold the line in the Donbas. Western weapons deliveries are delayed. And now a key partner is picking a fight. Inside the Kyiv bunker, officials are scrambling to contain the damage. Euractiv reports that the Polish ambassador was summoned to the foreign ministry for a dressing-down. It did not go well.
What is driving this? Electoral politics. Poland faces a general election in October. The ruling Law and Justice party (PiS) is under pressure from the far-right Confederation party, which has made hay over Polish farmers' grievances against Ukrainian grain imports. Adding a patriotic grievance over the UPA is a ready-made campaign tool. Morawiecki needs to show he can stand up to Kyiv.
But there is a bigger game at play. Poland has positioned itself as Ukraine's champion in Europe. It has taken in millions of refugees. It has lobbied for more weapons. This row risks undermining that moral authority. It also hands a propaganda weapon to Moscow. Russian state media is already crowing about the 'Nazi lovers in Kyiv' being exposed by their own allies.
In the Westminster lobby, the mood is grim. A Foreign Office source told me privately: 'This is a gift to Putin. We need to get it under control before it escalates.' But the tools for de-escalation are limited. Zelensky cannot easily disavow the UPA without losing support in western Ukraine. Morawiecki cannot back down without looking weak at home.
I expect a summit will be scheduled to patch things up, maybe on the margins of the UN General Assembly. But the atmospherics will be icy. And the real test will come when Poland is asked to send more old Soviet T-72 tanks. Will Warsaw agree? The answer may depend on how this historical spat is resolved.
For now, the alliance holds. But the cracks are visible. And in war, cracks can become chasms.
