Rabat is accelerating its tourism strategy in Western Sahara, drawing international attention to the disputed territory and placing British foreign policy under fresh scrutiny. Official Moroccan figures show a 12% increase in visitor numbers to Laayoune and Dakhla this year, promoted as part of a national drive to develop ‘Saharan tourism’. Hotels, desert excursions and cultural festivals have been marketed to European tour operators, with direct flights from Casablanca now operating daily.
Critics argue the campaign serves to consolidate Moroccan sovereignty over the region, which it has administered since 1975. The United Nations continues to list Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory, with a ceasefire between Morocco and the Polisario Front in place since 1991. Separatist groups and human rights organisations have accused Rabat of exploiting economic development to legitimise its occupation, a claim Morocco rejects.
The United Kingdom has maintained a policy of neutrality on the status of Western Sahara, but has faced increasing pressure from parliamentarians and NGOs to clarify its position. A recent Foreign Office review of UK-Morocco trade relations highlighted the growing economic ties, with British companies investing in renewable energy and phosphate exports. Yet the same document noted ‘political and legal risks’ associated with the territory.
British foreign secretary David Lammy is expected to face questions in the Commons next week after a cross-party delegation returned from a fact-finding mission to the region. Their report, due to be published on Monday, is understood to recommend a more robust stance on self-determination while maintaining commercial links.
The tourism push has come at a sensitive moment. Morocco’s close security cooperation with European nations, including the UK, has given it leverage in diplomatic circles. The Western Sahara issue is now entangled with broader debates about post-Brexit trade, migration control and counter-terrorism.
International legal experts remain divided. Some argue that Moroccan sovereignty claims are strengthened by effective administration and international recognition; others point to UN resolutions affirming the Sahrawi people’s right to a referendum. British policy has long favoured a negotiated settlement under UN auspices, but critics say this position has become unsustainable as facts on the ground change.
With the UK seeking to deepen ties with North African states and the Gulf, the Western Sahara question represents a potential flashpoint. The Foreign Office has yet to comment on the tourism initiative specifically. However, a spokesperson reiterated London’s support for ‘a just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution’.
Observers note that the tourism drive coincides with broader Moroccan assertiveness. In December, Rabat announced a $1.5bn infrastructure package for Western Sahara, including a new port at Dakhla. Human Rights Watch has documented restrictions on Sahrawi activists and journalists, which Morocco denies.
For the British government, the challenge is balancing commercial interests with legal obligations. The UK’s own trade agreements with Morocco do not explicitly cover Western Sahara, but companies operating there risk exposure to international legal challenges. The European Court of Justice recently ruled that trade deals cannot apply to the territory without the consent of the Sahrawi people.
As the region’s profile rises, the UK must decide whether its long-standing neutrality can endure. The tourism statistics may appear benign, but they carry significant political weight. In the coming weeks, the Lammy statement will be closely watched by both Moroccan and Sahrawi diplomats. The outcome could reshape British diplomacy in North Africa for years to come.
