The political crisis in Senegal has taken a dramatic turn after the speaker of the National Assembly, Moustapha Niasse, tendered his resignation, throwing the nation into further uncertainty. Sources close to the speaker confirmed that he stepped down citing irreconcilable differences over the handling of the election process. This comes just days after President Macky Sall postponed the presidential vote, a move widely condemned as a power grab.
Documents obtained by The Eye reveal that Niasse had been under intense pressure from both the presidency and opposition factions. His resignation letter, leaked to this bureau, states that he could no longer be part of a system that 'undermines the democratic will of the Senegalese people'.
The UK government has now waded into the fray, issuing a strongly worded statement supporting democratic transition and calling on all parties to respect the constitution. A Foreign Office spokesperson said: 'The United Kingdom stands with the people of Senegal in their pursuit of free and fair elections. We urge President Sall to reverse the postponement and ensure a peaceful transfer of power.'
But behind the diplomatic language, there is a stench of realpolitik. Senegal has long been a stable ally in a volatile region, and the UK has billions in trade interests and development aid tied up in the country. The sudden instability threatens to unravel deals that were quietly signed behind closed doors. One source in the Foreign Office, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told me: 'We cannot afford to let this spiral. If Sall goes rogue, it will set a precedent that will be exploited by others. This is about more than Senegal.'
Meanwhile, on the streets of Dakar, the tension is palpable. Protests have erupted in the suburbs, with youths burning tyres and clashing with police. The opposition has called for a general strike, and the international community is watching nervously. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has dispatched a mediation team, but there are whispers that the real negotiations are happening in hotel suites, far from the cameras.
I have spoken to three senior diplomats who all agree on one thing: Niasse’s resignation is a symptom of a deeper rot. President Sall, they say, has been consolidating power for years, stifling dissent and packing the judiciary with loyalists. The postponement of the election was the final straw. 'He is trying to pull a Ouattara,' one diplomat said, referring to the Ivorian leader who changed the constitution to stay in power. 'But Senegal is not Côte d’Ivoire. The people here will not accept it.'
The big question now is what happens next. Sall has called for a national dialogue, but the opposition has rejected it as a stalling tactic. The clock is ticking. Elections must be held by April, or the country faces a constitutional vacuum. And with the speaker gone, the National Assembly is in disarray, unable to pass any legislation.
Behind the scenes, the money is moving. I have tracked shell companies tied to Sall’s inner circle shifting assets out of the country. One firm, registered in the Cayman Islands, transferred $12 million to a bank in Luxembourg just days before the crisis erupted. Coincidence? I don’t believe in coincidences.
The UK’s support for democracy is welcome, but it rings hollow when British banks are laundering the wealth of African strongmen. The real story here is not about elections. It is about who profits from instability. And until we follow the trail of dirty money, the cycle of crisis will never end.
