The streets of Paris were a study in contrasts on Wednesday night. While thousands of Paris Saint-Germain fans poured into the Champs-Élysées to celebrate a Champions League victory, pockets of unrest flared in working-class suburbs, exposing a city divided. This time, the French government took note of the UK's policing model. It is a model designed not to contain crowds but to de-escalate conflict. But does it export well to a country where the gilets jaunes still smoulder and trust in police is low?
For many, the night began with joy. After years of near misses, PSG finally won a European trophy, beating Manchester City 2-1. The final whistle sparked a euphoric release in the capital's more affluent arrondissements. Expensive cars honked, champagne corks popped and young men draped in club flags sang into the early hours. Yet in the northern banlieues of Saint-Denis and Aubervilliers, the mood turned sour. The same victory that united the city's elite prompted a different response from those left behind.
Dozens of youths clashed with riot police in the Place de la République, setting fire to bins and throwing projectiles. The trigger appeared to be a heavy police presence that preceded any disorder. Critics said it hardened attitudes. But the government defended its approach, citing lessons learned from British colleagues.
Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin confirmed that French police had studied the UK's handling of football crowds, particularly the use of 'spotters' who identify troublemakers early and liaise with clubs. He said officers had been instructed to avoid the mass containment tactics that sparked the 2022 Champions League final chaos at the Stade de France, where thousands of Liverpool fans were penned in and tear-gassed. That night damaged Franco-British relations and forced a police overhaul.
On Wednesday, the contrast was clear. In central Paris, plain-clothes officers mingled with fans, making only 11 arrests for minor offences. In the suburbs, the uniformed response was heavier. The mixed results raise questions about the UK model's application in a nation with deeper social fractures.
Jane Cooper, a sociologist at the London School of Economics who studies crowd control, said the UK approach relies on a degree of consent. "British policing of football has evolved over decades through dialogue with fans and clubs. It assumes people want to co-operate. In France, particularly in the banlieues, there is a legacy of state violence and discrimination. You can't just parachute in tactics without addressing that history."
For the working class of the banlieues, many of North African heritage, the police are not seen as neutral arbiters. A 2023 report by the French human rights ombudsman found that young men of colour are 20 times more likely to be stopped and searched. The tension is a tinderbox. Wednesday's disorder was small in scale, but the symbolism was powerful: a Parisian triumph that could not paper over the cracks.
Michelle Lachaux, a 62-year-old retired factory worker from Saint-Denis, watched the celebrations from her window. "I am happy for the team. But what does it change for me? My pension is frozen, the shops are closing, and my grandson is scared of the police. For them, victory is a distant noise."
Her words echo a national frustration. As France prepares to host the Rugby World Cup and the 2024 Olympics, the government wants to project an image of a country capable of handling major events without strife. The UK model offers a blueprint, but without addressing inequality, it may remain just that: a blueprint.
The night ended with a curfew in parts of the 10th arrondissement. Barricades were cleared by dawn. But the split in Paris remains: between those who celebrated and those who confronted; between a city that can police a party and a country that cannot police its own divisions.
